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Volume 1: Findings and Conclusions 536 We have seen that the Southwood Working Party drew a sharp distinction between the possible risk to those who ate food derived from a cow with clinical signs of BSE and the risk from eating food derived from a cow incubating the disease, but not yet showing clinical signs (a 'subclinical'). Clinically ill cattle had to be destroyed. The tissues of a subclinical were not regarded by the Working Party as likely to be sufficiently infective to pose a threat - except perhaps to babies. 1 537 With hindsight, we can see just how dangerous it can be to eat some of the tissues of a subclinical, at least for cattle, where no species barrier is involved. On 8 August 1988 compulsory slaughter and destruction of all cattle showing signs of BSE was introduced. Some 40,000 cattle born since that date have contracted BSE and lived to develop the clinical signs. A multiple of that figure will have been infected but slaughtered before clinical signs developed. The vast majority of those cases are likely to have been infected as a result of eating feed contaminated by very small quantities of infective tissues of subclinicals. These had been through the rendering process. We have seen above how this material got into cattle feed. 538 Since 13 November 1989, the tissues of subclinicals most likely to carry infectivity should not have been fed to humans. On that day a ban on using them for human food was introduced ('the human SBO ban'). The introduction of that ban at a time when most considered it highly unlikely that BSE could be transmitted to humans was one of the most far-sighted measures introduced in response to BSE - or it would have been had it been introduced as a result of foresight. As we shall see, however, the process that led to its introduction was haphazard rather than the result of rigorous risk evaluation. Mr MacGregor, who was responsible for the measure that Mr Meldrum described to us as 'inspirational', was at pains to emphasise to us that scientific considerations were not the primary factor which motivated him. Did it matter that the process was haphazard? We think that it did. First, it meant that the process was protracted. Second, it contributed to a failure to emphasise the importance of the measure, which detracted from the rigour of its implementation. In this chapter we shall describe how the policy decision to introduce the human SBO ban came to be taken, the reasons that were given for that decision and the manner in which it was translated into statutory Regulations.
539 Good government does not blindly follow the advice of scientific experts. Before doing so, it must evaluate the advice to make sure that it appears sound. In the case of the Southwood Report this was not easy. The Working Party had not expressed their reasons for concluding:
540 Nor had the Working Party made it plain that they were attempting to apply the ALARP principle. 541 Dr Hilary Pickles had the lead for DH in relation to BSE. She had been DH secretary to the Southwood Working Party and had drafted some of the most important parts of their Report. She wrote to Sir Donald Acheson on 6 February 1989 saying that the Report should be with him in a day or two. She commented: In my view DH can be very pleased with the way the report has turned out. Sir Richard and his team are to be congratulated. 542 Dr Pickles did, however, inform Sir Donald of one concern that was not reflected in the Report. She was worried about the safety of bovine-based vaccines. Sir Donald minuted Dr E L Harris, the Deputy CMO, to ask him to look into this. Sir Donald told us that he also asked Dr Harris to conduct a complete review of the Southwood Report. Dr Harris has died, so we could not ask him about this, but our analysis of the evidence set out in vol. 6: Human Health, 1989-96 has satisfied us that Sir Donald's recollection is at fault here. He should have ensured that the Report was reviewed by his Department, but he did not do so. No doubt he placed confidence in the views of Dr Pickles. She was someone who inspired confidence. But because of her involvement she was not in a position to review the Report. 543 Sir Donald forwarded a copy of the Southwood Report to the Secretary of State for Health, Mr Kenneth Clarke, on 9 February. He commented: I regard it as a thorough study of the subject with sound and balanced conclusions. He also expressed the view that, with one possible exception: 2 Every reasonable step has been taken to minimise any theoretical risk of transmission by destruction of affected cattle. Sir Donald said nothing about the baby food recommendation. 544 When Mr Lawrence, MAFF's secretary to the Working Party, presented the Report to MAFF Ministers, he identified in a covering note a number of areas of interest to MAFF. One of these was the baby food recommendation. He sent a copy of his note, together with the Report, to 'interested Divisions within the Department'. Mr MacGregor raised the question of baby food at a meeting with Sir Richard Southwood a few days later. Sir Richard commented that the point in the Report in relation to baby food was not a specific recommendation, but a counsel of 'extreme prudence'. 545 The baby food recommendation was, however, causing concern to MAFF officials, in particular to Dr Mark Woolfe of the Food Science Division, who considered that identification of babies as a high-risk category did not appear to have been 'well thought out', and to Mrs Attridge, the head of Emergencies, Food Quality and Pest Control Group. Mrs Attridge was concerned because her responsibilities included the composition of food, and cow's liver and kidney were a valuable source of nutrition for babies. She was concerned that the baby food recommendation was based not on consideration of all the relevant science, but on 'poorly substantiated speculation'. Although Mrs Attridge's concern was that the baby food recommendation might result, without good reason, in the removal from babies of valuable nutrition, she commented in minutes to Mr Cruickshank, the Under Secretary in charge of the Animal Health Group, that MAFF would be asked why action should be taken on baby food but not on other food. 546 At a Cabinet meeting on 23 February to discuss the response to the Southwood Report, there was lively debate about the baby food recommendation. Mr Clarke, supported by Mr MacGregor, urged that the Report should be published and the baby food recommendation accepted. Other Ministers were concerned that publication of the recommendation would lead to a baby food scare. The decision was taken that the Report should be published after Mr MacGregor and Mr Clarke had prepared, with the help of the CMO, a clear and accurate statement of the Government's response to the baby food recommendation. 547 After the Cabinet meeting Sir Richard Southwood was contacted by Sir Donald Acheson. Sir Richard said that the baby food recommendation should only be treated as applying to brain, spinal cord, spleen, intestine and thymus, and not to heart, liver and kidney. This took the heat out of the situation. None of the former types of offal was included in manufactured baby food. The recommendation would not be likely to give rise to a boycott of baby food. 548 On 27 February 1989 the Southwood Report was published. In a written announcement, Mr MacGregor explained that none of the types of offal, which were the subject of the baby food recommendation, were used in the manufacture of baby food, but that as a precautionary measure he intended to make it illegal for anyone to sell baby food containing such products in the future. 549 No one in either DH or MAFF gave thought to the question that Mrs Attridge had warned would be raised. If these types of offal could not safely be fed to babies, why was it safe to feed them to children and adults? This important question was one that any thorough departmental review of the Southwood Report should have addressed. Another, linked, question that needed to be addressed was why the Working Party were so concerned about animals showing clinical signs of BSE, but not concerned, at least so far as safety of food was concerned, with the subclinicals. 550 We have already rejected Sir Donald Acheson's evidence that a full review of the Report was carried out by Dr Harris. Mr Clarke told us that in his Department there had been a very great deal of copious review, correspondence and discussion about the Report, which would have included the questions raised above, although he could not now remember the details of these. He also referred to an 'amazing quantity of exchanges' going on between his Department and Mr MacGregor's. We did not accept this evidence. As Secretary of State for Health, Mr Clarke needed to be in a position to answer the question 'If offal is not safe for babies, why is it safe for adults?' He should have ensured that his Department reviewed the Report and provided an answer - if there was one. He did not. 551 At Prime Minister's Questions on 28 February, Mr John Evans, from the Opposition benches, asked Mrs Thatcher: If, as appears likely to the Secretary of State for Health, BSE is a threat to humanity, why not ban the use of this offal for all human consumption? If according to the Minister of Agriculture, it is not a danger, why was it banned for babies? We set up a committee of experts under Professor Southwood. We published the report in full. We referred it to the Chief Medical Officer of Health and we accepted the recommendations of both, precisely. There is no point whatsoever in setting up a committee of experts, in having a Chief Medical Officer of Health, in receiving their advice and then not accepting it. We would rather accept their advice than that of the hon. Gentleman. Her Secretary of State for Health would not have been in a position to give a more informative reply. 552 What of MAFF? Dr Woolfe and Mrs Attridge had directed attention to the questions raised by the baby food recommendation, and are to be commended for this. But after the Cabinet meeting the questions were not pursued. We have concluded that there were a number of officials who should have made sure that the outstanding questions were answered. First of all, we think that Mrs Attridge herself, being concerned for composition of food, should have pursued the question of 'why should we take action on baby food and not on hamburgers', which was one that she had raised earlier. We consider that Mr Cruickshank should have taken steps to find out why the Southwood Working Party had drawn a distinction between babies and others, and between clinical and subclinical animals. We think that Mr Meldrum should have pursued these questions. The former distinction involved consideration of analogies with matters within the expertise of the veterinarians, such as the apparent susceptibility of calves to BSE. The latter was quite plainly a matter of veterinarian expertise. 553 Mr Andrews, the Permanent Secretary, had received a copy of one of the minutes in which Mrs Attridge raised the question of why action should be taken on baby food and not other food. He should have raised with Mr MacGregor the need to have an answer to this question. Mr MacGregor himself had been alerted to Mrs Attridge's concerns and should have seen that the question of 'why babies and not adults' was pursued. 554 In short, there was at MAFF, as at DH, a team failure to subject the Southwood Report to a proper review in order to evaluate whether the unexplained differences in approach to the food risks posed by BSE had explanations that appeared to be sound.
555 In the months that followed the publication of the Southwood Report, a number of influences combined to drive MAFF towards the decision to introduce a ban on using for human food those types of offal that were most likely to carry BSE infectivity. 556 In the first place there was the public reaction to the Report. This started with a broadcast on the day the Report was published from Dr Helen Grant, a consultant neuropathologist at Charing Cross Hospital in London, who commented on the risk posed by cattle brains that were going into the human food chain. In an article in The Guardian on 2 March 1989, she suggested that the Government was concentrating on baby food 'to divert the public from thinking about other foods and thus to imply that they are safe, which they are not'. 557 In May three articles appeared in The Times, suggesting that sausages and meat pies were a risk to health and that the Government should ban the use in food of potentially infected organs. On 24 May the Woman's Farming Union issued a press release calling for a ban on the inclusion of brain and spinal cord in products for human consumption. This theme was taken up the next day by delegates when Mr MacGregor attended the Conservative Women's Conference. On the same day the Bacon and Meat Manufacturers' Association advised its members to exclude bovine pancreas, brain, intestine, spinal cord and spleen from their products. The Meat and Livestock Commission (MLC), which was being advised by Dr Kimberlin (whom we have already met as a witness to the Southwood Working Party 3 and a member of the Tyrrell Committee and SEAC), 4 wrote to Mr MacGregor urging him to introduce a general ban on the use of bovine offal for human consumption for the sake of public perception. 558 The Parliamentary Secretary at MAFF, Mr Donald Thompson, had started his working life in his father's butchery business. He told us that he had all along been worried about the brains of subclinical animals entering the human food chain. In March he made the suggestion that cull cows might be excluded from the human food chain. This received short shrift from MAFF officials, but Mr Thompson returned to the charge, seeking advice on removing brains and certain other types of offal of cull cows from the human food chain, a measure that he subsequently supported. We commend him for this. 559 From the middle of 1988 the pet food industry had begun to address the possible infectivity of bovine raw materials incorporated in pet food. In July 1988 Pedigree Master Foods commissioned Dr Kimberlin to advise on whether their raw materials might carry the BSE agent. What he had to tell them they considered to have wider significance and they offered to share the information with MAFF. On 16 May 1989 Pedigree Pet Foods invited Mr Meldrum and other MAFF officials to meet Dr Kimberlin. Dr Kimberlin gave Mr Meldrum details of the advice that he had given to Pedigree, including the categorisation of offal into four categoriesof risk. The highest was brain and spinal cord and the next consisted of ileum, lymph nodes, proximal colon, spleen and tonsil. 5 Mr Meldrum told us that it was clear to him that Dr Kimberlin thought it a good idea to keep the more infective offal out of the human food chain. He left the meeting converted to this viewpoint. Dr Kimberlin's analysis had added a huge amount to his knowledge. We wish to commend Pedigree for their initiative in seeing that this information was provided to MAFF. 560 Meanwhile MAFF officials had been preparing draft Regulations and a consultative paper in respect of the proposed ban on offal in baby food. Mr Andrews warned Mr MacGregor that this would lead to pressure to extend the ban to all human food. Mr MacGregor was already under pressure in Parliament from Mr Ron Davies, the Opposition spokesman on Agriculture, to do just this. Mr MacGregor then met with Mr Meldrum. Mr Meldrum told him of what he had learned from Dr Kimberlin. This did not persuade Mr MacGregor that the Southwood Working Party's assessment of risk was unsound. He told us that what it did was to provide him with 'a scientific underpinning for the selection of tissues if Ministers were to adopt a policy to further reduce the remote risk of transmission of BSE to humans'. He told us, 'I had some concern about this. Most of the scientists were telling me that this concern was unjustified, but there was just beginning to emerge some body of scientific opinion that there may be something in it, so it had the merit of dealing with that risk, if there was a risk.' 561 Within days Mr MacGregor had decided to go ahead with a ban. He told us that his reasons for this decision were:
562 There was one practical difficulty. It was desirable to get Sir Richard Southwood's approval to this course. This called for diplomacy as MAFF proposed to go beyond the measures that his Working Party had advised. 563 On 6 June Mr MacGregor had a meeting with his officials, to which Dr Jeremy Metters of DH was invited, in order to prepare for a meeting with Sir Richard Southwood the following day. Sir Donald Acheson had got wind of what was afoot and was unhappy about it, fearing that it might raise concerns about the safety of vaccines. He briefed Dr Metters to resist the move, at least for the time being. Dr Metters was Senior Principal Medical Officer in DH who had recently become involved in BSE matters. In August he became Deputy CMO. Dr Metters raised the concern about the vaccines at the meeting, but reported that this 'cut little ice' with MAFF officials. Mr MacGregor did not refer at the meeting to Dr Kimberlin's analysis of the infectivity of tissues in subclinical animals. He left those present with the impression that his motive for the ban was simply a wish to allay the public concern which had developed. 564 On the next day the meeting reconvened with Sir Richard Southwood. Dr Pickles was also present. When told of the proposed ban, Sir Richard made the point that the scientific evidence had not changed, but accepted the 'political necessity for action'. Mrs Attridge then made a suggestion about presentation. As she reported later:
565 To those unaware of the potential infectivity of subclinical animals, Mrs Attridge's suggestion on presentation must have seemed attractive. If there was no scientific justification for the ban, it would do no harm to suggest that its introduction was no more than an administratively convenient way of introducing the ban on baby food. The vice of this presentation was, however, that it suggested that the ban was unnecessary. It would not encourage those who had to implement the ban to take it seriously. Unfortunately, Mr MacGregor agreed to Mrs Attridge's suggestion as to how the ban should be presented. 566 The presentation of the ban suggested by Mrs Attridge was widely disseminated. When Mr Lowson was preparing a briefing for incoming Ministers in July after a reshuffle, he included it as the reason for the decision to introduce the SBO ban. We were concerned about this, for he did not mention what he thought to be the true reason, namely to allay public anxiety as to the risk from subclinical animals. But given the pressure of time within which such briefings have to be prepared, and their ephemeral nature, we think it would be wrong to criticise Mr Lowson's draftsmanship. Mr Gummer, Mr Maclean and Mr Curry all told us that Ministers do not place great weight on such briefings, but Mr Gummer subsequently passed on the presentation. At a meeting with UKASTA in October 1989, and again before the Agriculture Committee in 1990, he emphasised that the ban went beyond what the Southwood Working Party had advised was necessary, but was introduced as a practical way of giving effect to their baby food recommendation. Mr Lawrence included the presentation as the reason for the ban in the submission to Mr Gummer that he prepared in November 1989 seeking approval of the terms of the draft Regulations. This submission was widely circulated within MAFF, DH and the Territorial Departments. 567 In his press release announcing the ban, Mr MacGregor referred to the Government's undertaking to implement the Southwood baby food recommendation. He then added: In working out the details, I have concluded that a better way of dealing with this would be to ensure that the relevant types of bovine offals should be rejected at the slaughterhouses for all cattle so that they cannot be used for human consumption in any way . . . This approach also deals with a separate problem, namely ensuring that if there is any risk that there are cattle incubating the disease but not showing clinical symptoms which are not being slaughtered and destroyed, their offals do not enter the food chain either. 568 This at least referred to the subclinical animals, but in terms that suggested that there was no more than a risk that some of these might go for slaughter. In fact this was inevitably happening on a substantial scale. 569 How far the presentation, which played down the importance of the human SBO ban, influenced people's attitudes we shall never know. We had evidence from many sources, however, of a perception that the ban was not really necessary as a public health measure. We do not criticise Mrs Attridge for her suggestion, made in ignorance of the science that underpinned the ban, nor those who repeated what Mr MacGregor had agreed should be the public presentation of the reason for the ban. Mr MacGregor is to be commended for introducing a ban which was to prove such a vital element in guarding against the risk that BSE posed to humans. However, he should not have agreed to a presentation which played down the importance of the ban as a protection for human health. 570 One person who thought that the human SBO ban was an unnecessary precaution was Dr Pickles. She remained of the view that the Southwood Working Party had recommended all that science justified. She suggested that MAFF should be left to introduce the ban on its own. Sir Donald Acheson had by now decided, however, that DH should support the ban. This attitude was shared by Mr Clarke, although his understanding was that MAFF was motivated by a desire to restore consumer confidence rather than by any scientific consideration. Mrs Thatcher approved the ban. She informed us that she did not believe that she would have accepted the need for the ban solely for public reassurance.
571 The ban was announced on 13 June 1989. Five months were to pass before it was brought into force. 6 The Agriculture Committee criticised this delay. We have considered why it occurred and concluded that it would not be fair to criticise either MAFF or DH for not moving faster. The ban was introduced under the Food Act 1984 and made use of procedures and mechanisms for dealing with unfit meat that were already in place under the Meat (Sterilisation and Staining) Regulations 1982 (MSSR). This made good sense, but it carried with it a statutory obligation to consult. Regulations requiring the removal of tissues from apparently healthy animals on the ground that a small minority would be incubating a disease that carried a remote possibility of transmission to humans were novel. They were quite complex. They carried serious economic consequences for some. We think that consultation was desirable. What took longer than anticipated was the task of identifying which offal should be subject to the ban. This was not due to any lack of diligence, but to the complexity of some of the technical issues that arose. It would have been better to have introduced a ban on those tissues which were known to be high risk and added to them later by amendment, but that is to use hindsight. 572 From the outset it was the intention that the ban should apply to brain, spinal cord, tonsils, spleen, thymus and intestines, which were recognised as high-risk tissues. The principal issues as to the ambit of the ban were whether:
573 Resolving those issues required research, consultation with the industries involved and discussion between MAFF and DH. All of this took time. 574 Mr Bradley, who had been placed in charge of BSE research work at the CVL, carried out the research. So far as the first three issues were concerned, his task was to ascertain the extent to which lymphoid tissue would remain after the industrial processes that were involved. He set about this task with characteristic diligence. 575 Discussion between MAFF and DH involved Mr Meldrum on the one hand and Dr Pickles and Dr Metters on the other. Mr Meldrum's approach was one of reluctance, without good reason, to countenance extending the ban to the detriment of established sectors of the food industry. This was a proper approach provided that he did not permit concern for the food industry to prejudice the safeguarding of public health. We were conscious of accusations that MAFF had done precisely that, so we scrutinised this part of the story with particular care. We concluded that Mr Meldrum adopted a conscientious and objective approach to his task. 576 Neither Dr Pickles nor Dr Metters believed that there was any justification for the human SBO ban. They saw it as an exercise carried out by MAFF in order to improve public confidence in the safety of beef. We were concerned to see whether this perception led to any lack of rigour on their part in considering what should and what should not be included in the ban. We concluded that it did not. Dr Pickles told us that if Ministers, for all sorts of good reasons, wished to do something that was not strictly necessary, she would support them. Her aim was to ensure that all the bits of offal that might be of concern were removed from the food chain. 577 Mr Gummer was appointed Minister of Agriculture in July, in the course of the preparation of the SBO Regulations. He gave Mr Maclean, one of the new Parliamentary Secretaries, special responsibility for food safety. We are satisfied that Mr Gummer and Mr Maclean gave careful consideration to the terms of the human SBO Regulations. They did not rubber-stamp their officials' proposals, but sought and considered the reasons behind the inclusion or exclusion of various types of offal from the ban. 578 Notwithstanding the diligence that was applied to most aspects of the preparation of the SBO ban, it was inevitable that borderline decisions would be influenced by the general belief that the ban was being imposed as a measure of extreme prudence which went beyond the recommendations of the expert scientists. While those involved made no conscious application of the ALARP principle, the exercise that they were engaged in entailed weighing perceptions of risk on the one hand against the economic consequences of banning particular tissues on the other. 579 We turn to record briefly the decisions that were reached as to the ambit of the ban.
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